Military- Civil Society Relations in Nigeria

Women Trading on Market day, Karamti, Taraba, Nigeria

INTRODUCTION

Civil society, as a social science concept defies any clear cut universally acceptable definition. It is in fact, one of such areas in which definitions are on the basis of operational nature (Laine, 2014). Indeed, as an abstract term that clearly, is not confined any limit and without operational border, civil society operations become such a complex field to conceptualise. CIVICUS (2011) for instance, defines civil society as an arena outside the family, the state, and the market which is created by individuals, collective actions, organisations and institutions to advance shared interest (CIVICUS, 2011 in Kojo and Van Dyck, 2012). Going by this definition alone one can quickly discern that there is no single sphere where the operations of civil society can be pinned to. Hence, Laine (2014) asserts that civil society is as complex as society since the history of society itself could be termed as the history of civil society.

On account of this, the sphere of civil society abound. From humanitarian activities to legal; from development to commercial; from legal to human rights, civil society exist in their different forms. To this end, the theories of civil society operations abound as it has clearly demonstrated over the years, some civil society operations are fluid; some ad hoc; while some are completely temporary. This makes it extremely difficult to maintain their activities once the objectives and purpose for establishment has been achieved depending on whose interests they serve (Bignami, 2016). Interests, therefore are totally in discord even though a civil society may be same, but from both extremes of the society, interests may differ- the source financing for civil societies existing in third world countries may have variants of interests ranging from genuine advancement of humanity to protection of national interest, whereas at the other extreme from the global south, the operations of the civil society may be for the operators of such civil society to line their pockets: solving their financial needs rather than genuinely executing the programmes of such civil society organisations (Clayton, Oakly & Taylor, 2000).

On the part of the state, the statement is not quite different. Third world states and emerging democracies, governments have increasingly found ways to sideline civil society groups and undercut their activities in such a way they cannot actually perform optimally towards achieving their set targets (Kojo & Van Dyck, 2017). On account of this therefore, it becomes absolutely necessary to underpin the operations of civil society operations to any single operational theory. Never the less, theories of civil society operations abound as the operations of civil society have taken different dimension since they became active after a long absence in the early 1990s (Bignamy, 2016).

To this end, this study seeks to examine the best operational theory that could harmonise the activities of civil society to that of militarised groups such as the military in order to reduce the level of reluctance in the operations of civil society. In this regard, some of the various theories of civil society operations would be looked in view of which of these theories guaranties perfect civil society operations in a militarised environment.

HISTORY OF CIVIL SOCIETY

    Civil society is as old as organised society itself since states in themselves have not really existed the way they are seen today. Traditional states have in themselves encouraged the formation of civil society whether consciously or unconsciously (Bignamy, 2016). Even though the activities of civil had experienced setbacks in the post West- Pharlia state model, especially after the world wars and in the peak of the cold war. The level of global freedom has not allowed for civil society to find operational efficacy until the collapse of the Soviet Union (ibid). Having become ntralised in the post war period, civil societies have found a resurgent period from 1992, with the fall of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) (CLain & Cheol- Sung, 2019). In the present globalised era, the activities of civil society transcend boundaries of traditional state. Hence, thecomposition and operational nature of civil societies have gone cosmopolitan (Bignami. 2019). It is pertinent to note that the democratisation process of hitherto, authoritarian states in post cold has been the chief factor for the resurgence and vibrancy in civil society formations and activities (Ibid).

REVIEWING THEORIES OF CIVIL SOCIETY

          Over the years, a lot of theories have emerged concerning the operations of civil society. Some of these theories are almost as old as society itself. These theories have aided in understanding and analysing the operations of civil society organisations and how they could be restructured to deliver on their operational programmes. These theories range from pluralism, liberalism, social capital, multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism, effective governance, and post modernism to mention but a few. It is important the study reviews a few of these theories so as to extrapolate which of them best suits the militarised and authoritarian states where organisations such as the military can harmoniously exist alongside a vibrant civil society organisation.

i.                   Liberalism:

This theory stems from the original work and ideas of Adam Smith, where it is believed a free market economy is the best form in which individuals, groups and associations have the free will to operate within the sphere of a provided framework in order to attain their set objectives (Hill, 2010). It is a strong submission that all in the state have natural liberties. Hence, they could pursue their economic ends since all in the state are guaranteed equal freedom to do so. The political strand of this theory is what has led to the liberal democratic theory, where a lot of scholars have made far reaching contributions. The studies of Putnam, Demontcrantine are some of the popular works done on this theory. It is an over simplification to believe that civil society groups will find the latitude to operate in such market economy where governments do their best to keep interferences at bay.

ii.                 Social Capital theory:

The social capital, as a theory that scholars such as Warren have advanced, it is believed that the collection of individuals through community efforts can penetrate the social, economic and political sphere such that community efforts can help promote development. In this regard, civil societies can harmonise their activities to those of cultural associations, religious based associations, Non- governmental organisations, and community based organisations to promote certain interests of a particular group where the civil society specialises (Hill, 2010), (Biganmi, 2016).

iii.              Multiculturalism:

In plural societies, multiculturalism promotes the need to recognise every existing community, culture, tribal affiliations, religious’ organisations for the special traits they have and work collectively towards a single goal, especially in a democratic community where the voice of every one matters. Within the ambit of this theoretical make up, civil society organisations help to promote civil and democratic ideals in order to have every group within the community have a sense of belonging in a multicultural society (Bignami, 2016).

iv.              Effective Governance:

Government/civil society relations in long run affect host communities in their modes of operations. When governments effectively carry out their responsibilities, civil societies find greater room to help them achieve their set targets. As such, achieving targets are aided by governmental policies in such a way that all groups benefit through forward/ backward infiltration of economic, social and political spheres of society (Bignamy, 2016)

v.                 Cosmopolitanism:

With increasingly global penetration of humanitarian activities, virtually all human activities have transcended national borders. Hence, the activities of civil society have transcended national borders. As such they have become globalised in their activities. This global cover helps them to set universally acceptable targets to be evaluated on equal terms regardless of base of operation (Ibid)

vi.              Post- modernism:

A combination of all the social, economic, cultural, religious and communal spheres are considered as a single unit such that all aspects and all interests are aggregated to reflect the best outcomes are acted upon. Through this theory, civil society finds it easy to implement its programmes as all the aspects and sphere of the state are in harmony (Clayton, Oakley & Taylor, 2000). Therefore, whenever the programme of one aspect of the state is better than those of another, the other supports the implementation of the better opinions of the others. Hence this is the best theory that guarantees success to civil society groups.

 CONCLUSION: CIVIL SOCIETY AND MILITARY: OVERCOMING DISCORDANCE

     A review of all the strengths weaknesses of civil society theories has proven that Post- modernism has demonstrated the operational ability of groups in communities to adapt to the ever dynamic nature of society. As such, post- modernism guarantees the best model for adjustments of interest by all interest groups and stake holders prevalent in a state. The military, being one of the sub- organs of the government whose interest may most times differ from those of the civil society, once all groups recognise the capacity of all groups to make decisions which are possibly better than its own, the tendency is definitely that these other groups will listen; accord respect and help in implementing the programmes of these other groups without ill- will or contempt. This way, both the military and civil society can work together to achieve that which is best for the state both in democratic and development since all are working towards humanitarian ends- the military protects human life while civil society helps to advance it. Whatever grievances may arise there in, legal provisions facilitates a smooth resolution to such. In the end, humanity advances not at the detriment of one section over the other through post modernism.

REFERENCES

Bignami, F. (2016), theories of Civil Society and Global Administrative law: the Case of the World Bank and International Development. George Washington Law Faculty. Pp 2- 8

Clayton, A. Oakley, P. & Taylor, J. (2000), Civil Society Organistions and Service Provisions, Civil Society and Social Movements, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development. Geneva. P. 6

Hill, L. (2010), Civil Society theory; research gate Journal (2010),                 

Klein, S. & Cheol- Sung, L (2019), Towards a Dynamis theory of Civil Society; the political theory of forward and backward infiltration, American Sociological Association (2019) vol.37 (1) pp. 62- 68

Kojo, C. & Van Dyck, J. (2017), Concept and Definition of Civil Society Sustainability, Centre for Strategic International Studies. Human rights Initiative. Pp 1-5

Laine, J (2014), Debating Civil Society: Contested Conceptualisations and Development Tragectories. International Journal of Not- for Profit Law/ vol. 16, No. 1 September, 2104. Pp 1, 65, 66 & 72

Market women trading in Karamti market, Karamti , Gashaka, Taraba. Nigeria

INTRODUCTION

Civil society, as a social science concept defies any clear cut universally acceptable definition. It is in fact, one of such areas in which definitions are on the basis of operational nature (Laine, 2014). Indeed, as an abstract term that clearly, is not confined any limit and without operational border, civil society operations become such a complex field to conceptualise. CIVICUS (2011) for instance, defines civil society as an arena outside the family, the state, and the market which is created by individuals, collective actions, organisations and institutions to advance shared interest (CIVICUS, 2011 in Kojo and Van Dyck, 2012). Going by this definition alone one can quickly discern that there is no single sphere where the operations of civil society can be pinned to. Hence, Laine (2014) asserts that civil society is as complex as society since the history of society itself could be termed as the history of civil society.

On account of this, the sphere of civil society abound. From humanitarian activities to legal; from development to commercial; from legal to human rights, civil society exist in their different forms. To this end, the theories of civil society operations abound as it has clearly demonstrated over the years, some civil society operations are fluid; some ad hoc; while some are completely temporary. This makes it extremely difficult to maintain their activities once the objectives and purpose for establishment has been achieved depending on whose interests they serve (Bignami, 2016). Interests, therefore are totally in discord even though a civil society may be same, but from both extremes of the society, interests may differ- the source financing for civil societies existing in third world countries may have variants of interests ranging from genuine advancement of humanity to protection of national interest, whereas at the other extreme from the global south, the operations of the civil society may be for the operators of such civil society to line their pockets: solving their financial needs rather than genuinely executing the programmes of such civil society organisations (Clayton, Oakly & Taylor, 2000).

On the part of the state, the statement is not quite different. Third world states and emerging democracies, governments have increasingly found ways to sideline civil society groups and undercut their activities in such a way they cannot actually perform optimally towards achieving their set targets (Kojo & Van Dyck, 2017). On account of this therefore, it becomes absolutely necessary to underpin the operations of civil society operations to any single operational theory. Never the less, theories of civil society operations abound as the operations of civil society have taken different dimension since they became active after a long absence in the early 1990s (Bignamy, 2016).

To this end, this study seeks to examine the best operational theory that could harmonise the activities of civil society to that of militarised groups such as the military in order to reduce the level of reluctance in the operations of civil society. In this regard, some of the various theories of civil society operations would be looked in view of which of these theories guaranties perfect civil society operations in a militarised environment.

HISTORY OF CIVIL SOCIETY

    Civil society is as old as organised society itself since states in themselves have not really existed the way they are seen today. Traditional states have in themselves encouraged the formation of civil society whether consciously or unconsciously (Bignamy, 2016). Even though the activities of civil had experienced setbacks in the post West- Pharlia state model, especially after the world wars and in the peak of the cold war. The level of global freedom has not allowed for civil society to find operational efficacy until the collapse of the Soviet Union (ibid). Having become ntralised in the post war period, civil societies have found a resurgent period from 1992, with the fall of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) (CLain & Cheol- Sung, 2019). In the present globalised era, the activities of civil society transcend boundaries of traditional state. Hence, thecomposition and operational nature of civil societies have gone cosmopolitan (Bignami. 2019). It is pertinent to note that the democratisation process of hitherto, authoritarian states in post cold has been the chief factor for the resurgence and vibrancy in civil society formations and activities (Ibid).

REVIEWING THEORIES OF CIVIL SOCIETY

          Over the years, a lot of theories have emerged concerning the operations of civil society. Some of these theories are almost as old as society itself. These theories have aided in understanding and analysing the operations of civil society organisations and how they could be restructured to deliver on their operational programmes. These theories range from pluralism, liberalism, social capital, multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism, effective governance, and post modernism to mention but a few. It is important the study reviews a few of these theories so as to extrapolate which of them best suits the militarised and authoritarian states where organisations such as the military can harmoniously exist alongside a vibrant civil society organisation.

i.                   Liberalism:

This theory stems from the original work and ideas of Adam Smith, where it is believed a free market economy is the best form in which individuals, groups and associations have the free will to operate within the sphere of a provided framework in order to attain their set objectives (Hill, 2010). It is a strong submission that all in the state have natural liberties. Hence, they could pursue their economic ends since all in the state are guaranteed equal freedom to do so. The political strand of this theory is what has led to the liberal democratic theory, where a lot of scholars have made far reaching contributions. The studies of Putnam, Demontcrantine are some of the popular works done on this theory. It is an over simplification to believe that civil society groups will find the latitude to operate in such market economy where governments do their best to keep interferences at bay.

ii.                 Social Capital theory:

The social capital, as a theory that scholars such as Warren have advanced, it is believed that the collection of individuals through community efforts can penetrate the social, economic and political sphere such that community efforts can help promote development. In this regard, civil societies can harmonise their activities to those of cultural associations, religious based associations, Non- governmental organisations, and community based organisations to promote certain interests of a particular group where the civil society specialises (Hill, 2010), (Biganmi, 2016).

iii.              Multiculturalism:

In plural societies, multiculturalism promotes the need to recognise every existing community, culture, tribal affiliations, religious’ organisations for the special traits they have and work collectively towards a single goal, especially in a democratic community where the voice of every one matters. Within the ambit of this theoretical make up, civil society organisations help to promote civil and democratic ideals in order to have every group within the community have a sense of belonging in a multicultural society (Bignami, 2016).

iv.              Effective Governance:

Government/civil society relations in long run affect host communities in their modes of operations. When governments effectively carry out their responsibilities, civil societies find greater room to help them achieve their set targets. As such, achieving targets are aided by governmental policies in such a way that all groups benefit through forward/ backward infiltration of economic, social and political spheres of society (Bignamy, 2016)

v.                 Cosmopolitanism:

With increasingly global penetration of humanitarian activities, virtually all human activities have transcended national borders. Hence, the activities of civil society have transcended national borders. As such they have become globalised in their activities. This global cover helps them to set universally acceptable targets to be evaluated on equal terms regardless of base of operation (Ibid)

vi.              Post- modernism:

A combination of all the social, economic, cultural, religious and communal spheres are considered as a single unit such that all aspects and all interests are aggregated to reflect the best outcomes are acted upon. Through this theory, civil society finds it easy to implement its programmes as all the aspects and sphere of the state are in harmony (Clayton, Oakley & Taylor, 2000). Therefore, whenever the programme of one aspect of the state is better than those of another, the other supports the implementation of the better opinions of the others. Hence this is the best theory that guarantees success to civil society groups.

 CONCLUSION: CIVIL SOCIETY AND MILITARY: OVERCOMING DISCORDANCE

     A review of all the strengths weaknesses of civil society theories has proven that Post- modernism has demonstrated the operational ability of groups in communities to adapt to the ever dynamic nature of society. As such, post- modernism guarantees the best model for adjustments of interest by all interest groups and stake holders prevalent in a state. The military, being one of the sub- organs of the government whose interest may most times differ from those of the civil society, once all groups recognise the capacity of all groups to make decisions which are possibly better than its own, the tendency is definitely that these other groups will listen; accord respect and help in implementing the programmes of these other groups without ill- will or contempt. This way, both the military and civil society can work together to achieve that which is best for the state both in democratic and development since all are working towards humanitarian ends- the military protects human life while civil society helps to advance it. Whatever grievances may arise there in, legal provisions facilitates a smooth resolution to such. In the end, humanity advances not at the detriment of one section over the other through post modernism.

REFERENCES

Bignami, F. (2016), theories of Civil Society and Global Administrative law: the Case of the World Bank and International Development. George Washington Law Faculty. Pp 2- 8

Clayton, A. Oakley, P. & Taylor, J. (2000), Civil Society Organistions and Service Provisions, Civil Society and Social Movements, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development. Geneva. P. 6

Hill, L. (2010), Civil Society theory; research gate Journal (2010),                 

Klein, S. & Cheol- Sung, L (2019), Towards a Dynamis theory of Civil Society; the political theory of forward and backward infiltration, American Sociological Association (2019) vol.37 (1) pp. 62- 68

Kojo, C. & Van Dyck, J. (2017), Concept and Definition of Civil Society Sustainability, Centre for Strategic International Studies. Human rights Initiative. Pp 1-5

Laine, J (2014), Debating Civil Society: Contested Conceptualisations and Development Tragectories. International Journal of Not- for Profit Law/ vol. 16, No. 1 September, 2104. Pp 1, 65, 66 & 72

Nigeria's ratification of African free Trade Agreement: Implications to her economy

Abstract

Theories in regional economic blocs have been existing under different sheds with varying levels of success, depending on the economic blocs region of establishment. Those in the America’s and Europe have proved especially successful. In Asia, there is a varying level of success, especially with their eastern Asian nations with Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). In other parts of Asia especially, the Middle East, the story is how ever different. A situation equally or even lower in terms of success is the situation on the African continent. In view of the challenges encountered by Africa in relation to trade on the global market, a group of African leaders moved to establish a continent- wide trade union that could compete globally. Establishment being one thing, implementation of the policy agenda is quite a different thing altogether. In this light, this paper seeks to understudy the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) to ascertain the potential success of the Union considering the Political and Economic history Africa has had. In respect of this therefore, the paper shall utilise secondary sources of data to draw its conclusion and suggest policy recommendations.

INTRODUCTION

Theories in regional economic blocs have been existing under different sheds with varying levels of success, depending on the economic blocs region of establishment. Those in the America’s and Europe have proved especially successful. In Asia, there is a varying level of success, especially with their eastern Asian nations with Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). In other parts of Asia especially, the Middle East, the story is how ever different. A situation equally or even lower in terms of success is the situation on the African continent. In view of the challenges encountered by Africa in relation to trade on the global market, a group of African leaders moved to establish a continent- wide trade union that could compete globally. Establishment being one thing, implementation of the policy agenda is quite a different thing altogether.

          The objective of the initiators of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement could be broadly termed as the need to attain the Agenda 2063 (African Union AfCFTA treaty, 2019). This agenda is in line with the vision of Africa to create a continent that can rival all other continents in terms of social, economic, and political and infrastructural development by the year 2063. In consonance to these aims and objectives, the African Continental free trade area was established in Kigali, Rwanda on the 18^th of March 2018, where the President of Egypt presented his countries initial ratification of the treaty (Landry and Collette, 2019). The success of the treaty is largely seen in the response to the treaty as regards the speediness with which other African states responded to it. For instance, at the time of Egypt’s preliminary ratification, only 19 African states have signed the agreement. But thirty days later 19 countries have ratified the agreement, suggesting that the agreements objectives was within reach within the shortest time possible (London School of Economics Review, 2019).

          Considering the objectives as provided by article 2 of the treaty and those specified objectives, equally as contained in article 5 of the treaty this paper shall examine the possibility of achieving the treaty goals in connection with the “Africa we want, 2063 agenda” as stipulated by the treaty document (AfCTFA treaty, 2019) considering that Nigeria has signed treaty recently, being then latest African country to sign it; in addition to the history of Africa when it comes to ratification and implementation of treaty agreements in the past. The paper shall contain the introduction; Objectives of the paper; research method; findings; analysis; conclusion and policy recommendations.

OBJECTIVES

          The main aim of this paper is to examine the potential for the successful implementation of the African Continental Free Trade agreement, especially how it shall realistically impact on the average African in terms of his access to socio- economic facilities and access to widest possible level of infrastructure and justice in consonance with global best practices. Before the paper highlights its study objectives, it is pertinent to highlight the objectives of the AfCFTA so as to bring into a better perspective as it concerns the possibility of transforming the objectives of the treaty into implementable policies by government parties.

          Specifically, the treaty of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement, as established by the Treaty document article 2 are as follows:

i.                   To create a single market in terms of goods and services to align with the agenda 2063:

ii.                 To create a liberalised market for goods and services continent wide without border hindrances regarding customs duty:

iii.              Contribute to the movement of goods and services, capital and natural persons across  boundaries continent wide;

iv.              Lay a foundation for establishing customs union on a continent wide level;

v.                 Promote and attain sustainable development and inclusive socio- economic development for all Africans;

vi.              Enhance the competitiveness of state parties within Africa and global marketplace; and

vii.            Promote industrial development and through diversification, regional value chain development, agricultural development and food security

The treaty also contains specific objectives contained in article 5 which states the following:

i.                   Driven by of African union (AU) objectives and to be facilitated by AU instruments;

ii.                 Recognise free trade areas as single economic bloc for AfCFTA;

iii.               Verifiable geometry;

iv.              Flexible and specific and differential treatment;

v.                 Transparency and disclosure of information;

vi.              Preservation of the acquis;

vii.            Most favoured nation treatment;

viii.         Reciprociry

OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The paper shall, in detail study these AfCFTA objectives and shall carry out a detailed analysis as to the possibility of achieving the implementation of the treaty and what possible successes are anticipated and what the likely challenges are going to be. In specifics, the paper shall:

i.                   Highlight the likelihood of success to achieved if the policy implementation of the treaty is holistically carried out;

ii.                 Highlight the possible challenges to be encountered resultant to the difficulties and ambiguities contained in the treaty; and

iii.              Suggest possible policy recommendations towards attainment of the treaty objectives.

RESEARCH METHOD

          Owing to the nature of this paper, the main method adopted for data collection in it is mainly secondary data- the data was obtained through internet sources, and observational method based on the data collected observation shall also be made as regard governmental party actions through television reports and government white papers on policy objectives related to the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (Kothari, 2008), and the analysis shall be mainly qualitative as it involves use of non statistical instruments where values are the main instruments in which the study shall utilise to determine the success of the Union (Nnabugwu, 2006). This has not however been without its own challenges as accessing information has been problematic and the level of information obtained have been peripheral at best, as all data obtained through it are non essential documents where journals, periodicals, treaty documents have been basically the main sources of data for the study. Within the ambit of this, the conclusions drawn from the little data obtained shall be largely accurate to be utilized for practical use by the stakeholders involved (Nwana, 1981).

ANALYSIS

          Documents establishing the African Continental free Trade Agreement have been well laid as the objectives are initially well stipulated in article 2 of the treaty establishing the document, and as equally contained in the 5^th article establishing the AfCFTA, which has been the reason the document as attracted a wide acceptance across African with 44 of the 46 African states. Be this as it may, a few hitches could be encountered as well laid documents would not necessarily translate into smooth implementation without commitment from the parties involved. This is going to amount to lots of challenges which these states may encounter in the implementation of the document provisions. For instance, Nigeria being the latest signatory to the documents, is an economic giant with the highest population in Africa and a moderate industrial base is going to at a loss when the road map to the treaty would not be clearly stipulated in such a way that it can amount to gains for all state and non- state parties to the treaty. Owing to these and such other provisions the document has not clearly stated, the following challenges are going to encountered:

i.                   Creation of a single market may not be foreseeable in the implementation of the policy objectives as all state parties are usually out to defend their national interests in such a manner as to protect the state advancement. As such, markets may differ as currencies and national interests differ; hence, differences may occur in smooth implementation as national interest would supersede those of the treaty’s goal of achieving a common market.

ii.                 A customs union may be seemingly challenging to achieve as the previous economic blocs as Economic Communities of West African States (ECOWAS), East and Central African and East African common markets. The main challenge in the achievement of a customs union may be that previous practices may be too difficult to abandon as old practices may be too difficult to abandon and new too difficult to adopt;

iii.              The wordings and language choice in the document write up are too vague and open to be easily understood and translated into a working policy to be adopted by state members. Therefore, drawing out policies that is well understood by the actors in the implementation becomes a daunting task;

iv.              When competitiveness within member states are considered, national interests may inhibit fair competition where weaker states such as Mali for instance may become boxed in to actually compete as productive ones as South Africa, Egypt and Nigeria may coast on such smaller states’ vulnerability in the African and Global market place. On a Global level on the other hand it will be difficult for AfCFTA to catch up to such advanced economic blocs as ASEAN, European Economic Community (EEC), American Free Tariff Association (AFTA) and so many other with may be hindered by affinity to colonial pasts. These affinities may be the main reason for the challenges likely to face the African treaty;

v.                 Industrial development is likely going to be the second most difficult challenge likely to face the treaty as Africa still heavily relies on technology transfer to drive industrial growth in the region. Technology transfer has not proven to be the best form of industrial development for Africa, since all has been invested in that to no effect;

vi.              Considering Article 5 of the AfCFTA treaty, one could say that the provisions became even more ambiguous as the statements contained therein are too open ended to determine the direction they are to aid in the policy drafting and implementation;

vii.            Cultural barriers may hinder reciprocity, flexibility and special or preferential nation treatment as to what they may mean in the documents establishing the treaty.

   FINDINGS

          The study found among such other things that African Continental Free Trade Agreement is a well thought out treaty that is aimed at placing the African region in a better position to compete favourably on the global market place. Yet there appears to be a few red flags, which if overlooked, may be sources of confusion for the implementation of the treaty agreement. Such confusions may be as those that the study finds that:

i.                   Commitment to implementing the provisions of the treaty as African leaders may be too busy protecting and promoting their political ambitions to study and carefully implement the provisions of the document;

ii.                 The political will to holistically draft policies to the treaty document may be lacking as the political will to carry that out to actually make an impact in the short and long run;

iii.              Cultural and language barriers may surmount and overwhelm African leaders to an extent that difference may not be put aside by the Agnlo- phone, Franco- phone and the Latin speaking parts of the continent because every sees the other as being completely different there by breathing suspicion among member states and individuals within the state parties;

iv.              Ambiguities in state party constitutions may prevent some of the implementations provided in the treaty. As such translation of treaty agreement may amount to duplications and additional prohibitions to access regarding free movement of individuals, goods and services across borders;

v.                 Sharing of data and information may not likely be achieved as trust among member states is not feasible due to existence of national interests that warrants competition among states for the promotion of national and developmental interests; and

vi.              Competing on a global level on equal standing with will be difficult as states within the treaty are former colonial states that will either lay their loyalty to their former colonisers than those within the region, which will inhibit success in the implementation of the treaty.

SUMMARY

          Africa- wide economic bloc is the aim of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement which states that African shall enhance free trade among the African Union member states, which is why African Union facilitated the establishment of the free trade area translating into the free trade agreement that was established by the free trade agreement document in Kigali, Rwanda in 2018. As at May, 2019, 44 African states have ratified the treaty. Against this background, this study utilised the regional integration theory while adopting the secondary sources of data and its analysis was carried out through value forecasting- non statistical analysis was carried out. In other words, qualitative form of analysis was used to study the possible challenges to be encountered and the likely successes to be anticipated if implementation of the document will be carried out through individual sub policy making and implementation would be made easier and facilitated by government parties to the agreement. This, in fact is part of the solution the paper stated in its concluding and recommendation aspect. 

CONCLUSION

African history has been overlaid with lots policy statements for regional integration from Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to the African Union (AU). All these regional agreements have lots aspects for trade, investment, infrastructural development, food security and movement of persons across borders among such other sustainable development strategies one could foresee for the continent in the near and not so distant future. Yet, translation of such development agendas into applied economic and social development becomes the bane of leaders and policy actors regarding such policies. AfCFTA is on such regional agreement which, in itself amounts to duplication and continuous piling of such regional economic documents. These continuous pilings lead into overlaps in policy formulation and implementation, thereby making laws and their application cumbersome and too ambiguous to define. Hence, the state of backwardness in the political and social development Africa dearly hopes to achieve. In addition, it has been identified that Africa has not initiated an original African road map to development. In this regard, we only see “copy- cat” kind of initiative built solidly on the European and American based initiative which in the end confusion during implementation becomes the actual thing that bedevils development on the continent. Lastly, policy recommendations were made to ensure that the African region does not fall into the ever formulation and implementation conundrum of development policy documents  

POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

          In light of the findings of the study, the paper has drawn out an everlasting and enduring policy recommendations which will be far reaching if only policy formulators will adhere to those strictly:

i.                   The language in such documents ought to be clear and simple in such a way that resources needed not be wasted when the time comes to formulate policies drawing from the treaty documents;

ii.                 The AfCFTA agreement should have focused more on provision of science and technology based education such that Africa can compete in terms of research on the global arena such that trade in the global market will naturally glide into the fore to make Africa an equal player in that regard. ASEAN, the main body of the South East Asian nations achieved her prominence through that aspect;

iii.              All customs in respective member parties should be maintained while a central head quarters should be selected in the most organised state party such that resources to be channelled towards development will not be unnecessarily wasted to build a customs union;

iv.              Severing all post colonial ties to past colonial overlords, especially by Franco- phone Africa should be the main focus of African leaders in respect of the implementation of the policy agreement of AfCFTA in such a way that unity could be achieved in its policy implementation;

v.                 Economically advanced states such as Egypt, Nigeria and South Africa should carry a lot of burden in the initial formulation of the policy so as to allow for backward states such as Somalia, Djibouti, Mali and the likes to advanced economically to allow for a future fair play in intra African relations;

vi.              Closely knit to this, non state parties to the agreement need to have an open access to f=policy formulation such that there would be inclusive decision making across board.

REFERENCES

African Union, (2018), Treaty establishing the AfCFTA, Article 2/ Article 5.

Ethiopia, Adis Ababa. pp. 6 & 24

Landry, S. & Collette, V. V. (2019), African Roadmap to implementing AfCFTA,

Africa Growth Initiative; Brooking Institution pp. 7 & 19

London, S. E. (2019), London Economics Review, March 18^th 2019; United

Kingdom. London pp 14- 38

Trade, I. C. (2019), A Business guide to the AfCFTA, 2018, Geneva Septemeber,

2018

United Nations, C. T. A. D., (2016), African Continental Free Trade Agreement on

negotiations in trade and goods; UNCTAD/ WEB/DITC/2016